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Books > History > The Penguin Book of Modern Indian Speeches (1877 to the Present)
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The Penguin Book of Modern Indian Speeches (1877 to the Present)
The Penguin Book of Modern Indian Speeches (1877 to the Present)
Description
Introduction

When this volume was conceived, I thought it would be a simple job of compiling a few famous speeches, something many other editors have done in the past. But once I began reading material for it, several new dimensions which had not struck me earlier began to emerge. Like every historian, the first question I faced was that of historicity. A historian’s hindsight, intuition and his location in a historical context are what normally help him read facts and decide on their historicity or otherwise. How does one relate a particular speech to the history of the time and then call it historic? How does one confer on a speech, or even a fact, a trans-historical status and value, and then bestow on it a representative character? These were the issues which immediately needed to be grappled with before one began the process of selection and collection. For me, therefore, compiling this book was a more difficult task than it might have been for those who are innocent of the-historian’s dilemmas.

Which speech is historic—this is not an innocuous question. It is a question with political, social and cultural perspectives attached to it. Looking back at any specific period, there is always a danger of viewing it from the limited perspective of the brief moment in time that we inhabit. It is crucial not to look at any age in isolation from what led up to it and what came after, and as a result of it. This led me to read the histories of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries——which have shaped a number of contemporary trends and ideas that constitute our world view——with a long-term historical perspective. Equally, since the present too colours the way a past is viewed, I felt it important to allow a careful understanding of our times to enter into a debate with our recent history. The present volume is an outcome of this endeavour. Not all questions will be settled in these pages but they inform everything from the selection to the arrangement and presentation of the speeches.

What emerged from my reading of the history of the last two hundred years of the subcontinent was the fact of a long and continuing struggle the struggle for freedom. Freedom premised at the universal plane may be seen as the leitmotif of human quest, and most of the speeches in this volume verbalized that quest in myriad ways. I was often surprised at the language, emotion and dream articulated especially in the important speeches made in the six or seven decades prior to independence and in the decade immediately after 1947. Leaders like Sir Syed Ahmad and M.G. Ranade most often spoke in the voice of universalism and humanism, something they themselves may not have consciously known. As a historian working in an intellectual milieu where anti-humanism and anti-universalism are often the keys to success in academia, this collection increasingly became an academic challenge for me: that of presenting as valuable and path-breaking ideas and commitments which are considered mere common sense by later generations.

I Colonialism, or rather the intelligentsia’s attempt in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to understand, negotiate with, and fight colonialism, has been the most significant marker of the history of modern India. A serious reading of the intellectual premises and political arguments of men and women like Surendranath Banerjea, Dadabhai Naoroji and Annie Besant shows that, though circumscribed by their age and context, these people were making a radical departure from their moorings and were presenting a very powerful critique of the colonial system. They were not the intellectual or political collaborators of colonialism that many politically prejudiced or historically myopic writings say they are. These early nationalists were trying to evolve the economic, political and moral foundations of a new society.

The speeches and writings of public persons in nineteenth- and twentieth-century India indicate that they had not merely understood the might and exploitative agendas of the colonial power, but also realized the fact that the society from which this power had emerged had undergone an industrial revolution which had far-reaching consequences completely unprecedented in human history. They recognized the role the industrial revolution had played in making England the most modern and developed country at that historical juncture. They were also aware of the social and scientific benefits that could accrue to a backward society like India from an engagement with England. This led them to look towards England to help India transcend its internal morass and help usher in a modern society. For Naoroji and others, British colonial presence in India was providential, at least to begin with, as it provided Indian society—a stagnant one which had missed out on the scientific and industrial revolution in the West—an opportunity to catch up. In fact, they intuited what Karl Marx would write later about the regenerative role of colonialism: that the colonial state in India, through its ideas, institutions and instruments and exploitation, for example, the railways, hastened social and political change. This provided them with a blueprint for a new society for India too—a modern, industrial society. Thus, their speeches were marked less by rhetoric and more by a close and detailed analysis of the facts and processes involved in the rise and maintenance of colonialism. They were also conscious of their own role in such a context. This nuanced and complex understanding of the empire of the day and a perception of the role of intellectuals and political lenders, as glimpsed in the first few speeches in this book, laid the foundations of modern-day Indian sensibilities, whether in politics, or on social questions, or in an understanding of India’s economic location and policies.

It was in their critique of the colonial system that these intellectuals made the greatest contribution. They provided a detailed analysis of the way colonialism worked through its sophisticated and elaborate system of finances, manipulation of currencies and trade policies, establishment of communication linkages for economic and administrative facilitation, integration of executive and judicial powers in local governance, and racial appropriation of the instruments of administration. The early nationalists’ eye for detail and meticulous work thus ‘deconstructed’ the empire, exposing its internal circuitry as it were, and provided the intellectual foundation of Indian nationalism (which Bipan Chandra, one of the finest historians of modern India, has called ‘economic nationalism’ in his book Rise and Growth of Economic Nationalism in India). At the level of public engagement, their attempts to criticize the economic policies of the empire and the colonial state and at the same time develop democratic methods and institutions to fight those policies laid the foundations of India’s democratic polity as well. It is here that their efforts to model institutions after the nineteenth-century British parliamentary system become significant. Their political tracts, economic treatises and speeches at various platforms indicate the evolution of a vision anchored in the core values of a parliamentary democracy which later influenced India’s political and social evolution.

Interestingly, much of contemporary intellectual engagement with India’s modern history, particularly in our metropolitan centers or in the West, is characterized by a downplaying of the career and vision of these early nationalists; they are dismissed as lightweight liberals or condemned as the empire’s collaborators, intellectual or economic or political. Or their vision and discourse is assumed to be a matter of common-sense understanding and therefore not worthy of being studied. This has resulted in making many discussions on modern-day Indian democracy, the state and the economy a-historical, grounded on extremely superficial assumptions or currently fashionable theories in the West. A serious exploration into the foundations of many of the issues facing contemporary India——the success or failure of its democracy, the evolution of its institutions and economy——will indicate that they have their roots not in the hoary past of the Vedas or the ancient republics, but in the intellectual and political engagements of public men and women in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. There is no getting away from this foundational truth.

A historically inclined perspective helps one discern that the national liberation movement was not merely one single movement of political liberation, but, as many would say in their speeches, a beautiful movement unique in human history. It was the gradual unfolding of the movement into multiple streams which made the quest for political freedom against the colonial state meaningful. This also proved the early nationalist assertions—which even Nehru made when he was president of the Congress in 1929—that Indian nationalism was entirely different from its Western counterpart. It was liberating and inclusive rather than exclusivist. It welcomed every class and all streams of political and economic thought, some of which were antagonistic to- its inclusivist nature itself Though articulating such dimensions in public speeches made the speeches substantive, it also tended to make them quite long as the speakers tried to locate the interconnectedness of issues.

The intelligentsia and public men at the turn of the twentieth century had a palpable sense of a movement in India on a vast scale. It is with such sensibilities that Surendranath Banerjea, Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Pherozeshah Mehta were speaking and writing in that era. They were in constant search of a plan of action, a vision for India. Their speeches may sound sedate by the standards of today is political rhetoric or literary fashion, but they were expressing ideas at a time when the common Indian did not have the wherewithal to even speak up, nor could he or she thoroughly comprehend their implications. The spell of colonial rule, as Bipin Chandra Pal would say, was upon us; it was our mai-baap. Pal called it maya or illusion under which Indians lived, Later historians and particularly those who studied the national movement thoroughly used the word hegemony to explain the ideological sway that colonial rule had over Indians. The speeches of Naoroji, Mehta and Gokhale were not simple acts of eloquence; they were political acts of awakening people and impelling them to shrug off the imperial cast. Given the British arguments that India was not and never had been a nation and that it was merely a geographical imagination, an attempt was made quite often in the speeches to imagine and create an India. Thus, there were conscious efforts to argue that even if India was not a nation in the modern sense of the term, it could be constituted as one owing to its historical and economic rationale. It could be moulded into a nation and indeed it was becoming one.

At the same time, the movement was not born of any anti- foreigner or anti-alien sensibility. After all, the notion of videshi or alien has always had manifold implications in a society like India where the primary identity till recently was of one’s caste or village. A journey through the speeches in this book will indicate that rarely did a leader or intellectual try to defend an anti-colonial position on nativistic grounds, i.e., India is for Indians and foreigners should leave. The Indian nationalist leadership never argued that the British should leave India only because they were foreigners. It was rather the notion of justice which constituted the core of their arguments asking the British to leave. British rule, as Naoroji famously described it, was ‘un-British’). Many among India’s intelligentsia of the time had envisioned that British rule in India would usher the principles of liberal democracy as voiced in the British Parliament, the press and in the works of Bentham, Mill and others. However, the gradual realization of the lack of fair play in dealing with India on several fronts, mainly economic, became the reason for an increasing disillusionment, a sense of injustice which would culminate in the demand for the withdrawal of the British from India.

The argument for the British quitting because they were foreigners did also exist, of course, though it always constituted a second line of reasoning. This fundamentally racial argument came to provide the intellectual basis for some internal movements among those Indians who wanted to voice their rejection of the hierarchies within the Indian social system. Many tribal and non Brahmin caste movements used the nativistic and racial arguments to assert that Brahmins and upper castes were outsiders and had been exploiting the indigenous peoples who had been relegated to a low—caste status.

However, it was the economic critique that constituted the core of the argument against colonial presence and it began with the grand old man of India, Dadabhai Naoroji. His drain theory and its understanding of the exploitation of India under colonial rule was the cornerstone of the entire national movement. What Naoroji initiated in the British Parliament in 1892 and repeated at various public platforms was then carried forward by Pherozeshah Mehta, who excelled in tearing apart official claims at various forums-—the legislative assembly, the Bombay Corporation or the university senate. His speeches, full of sarcasm, wit and sheer confidence, set the benchmarks for debate on public issues. Surendranath Banerjea, acknowledged as the first public leader of modern India, was completely devoted to arousing nationalistic sentiments among the people of various regions, and his speeches attracted many future leaders.

II

The colonial critique of the early nationalists also contained an awareness of India’s social malaise and in this they were the inheritors of the different socio-religious movements of the nineteenth century. From Raja Rammohun Roy, whom Surendranath Banerjea referred to as the greatest Indian reformer, to Jyotiba Phule, G.K.Gokha1e and Badruddin Tyabji, everyone was involved in social reform, thus broadening and enlarging the canvas of their engagement. With the heightening of political consciousness, there was a tension brewing between those championing the political question and the others who also demanded social reform. At the end of the nineteenth century, particularly after the formation of the Indian National Congress in 1885, this conflict reached a high. Attempts were made to ensure that the controversy did not cause a rift in the nascent political processes and organization. It did not, for example, take much longer than its third session for the Congress to announce that it was not going to Entertain any demand for social reform of any community unless the demand had an overwhelming support from that community itself interestingly, this decision was taken by people who themselves were the greatest social reformers in their own respective communities, people like Tyabji and Naoroji. At the same time, the apprehensions that the controversy would have divisive effects were proved right when Syed Ahmad Khan, who was involved in modernizing the Muslim upper classes through his Aligarh movement, came to oppose the Congress. The tussle between the reformers who gradually voiced themselves through the Indian Social Reform Conference and the groups which came to critique the primacy of social reform brought the dilemma to the fore. K.T. Telang, a leading intellectual of the period, created a furore when he suggested, as a via media, that political processes should be given precedence over social reforms Diner this involved lesser resistance from society. It was only with the arrival of Mahatma Gandhi on the scene that the political demand Bud the social question came together cohesively on the same platform. Gandhi not only amalgamated the social and political movements but also launched the biggest ever social change movement in the country- the removal of untouchability. His speech at Benares in 1916 announced his arrival on the scene with a canvas much larger than what the leadership of the time had envisaged. It was a direct attack on the norms, language and composition of the leadership of the era. From 1920 onwards, one can see the political movement constantly engaging with the issues of untouchability, Hindu-Muslim unity and the amelioration of the rural poor.

Very soon the question of leadership and representation became the centre of most public speeches. As the British, strategically, decided to lend representative status to different leaders or groups, there were strong clashes for such status among India’s public leaders. There were more than a few who argued that they represented the Hindus or the Muslims or, as B.R. Ambedkar claimed, the depressed Glasses. Gandhi, in his straight and simple manner, claimed that he represented all Hindus and all Muslims and the depressed classes. The language of representation gave the speeches of this period a very strong authoritative character coupled with a narrowness not evident till now. These varying claims of representation, which were heard most clearly during the Second Round Table Conference in 1931, with the British seeking different representatives for different communities—Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, depressed classes, native princes——reached a climax when Veer Savarkar claimed in 1937 that he and his party, the Hindu Mahasabha, represented the Hindus, and M.A. Jinnah in 1940 declared that he was the sole spokesperson of the Muslim nation——a nation which he said had no common bond with the Hindu and therefore had to be given separate status as Pakistan.

Back of the Book

A VIVID, CAPTIVATING HISTORY DF INDIA, IN THE WORDS OF THE MEN AND WDMEN WND SHAPED IT

At their best, speeches highlight the concerns of the times and inspire a a nation to great acts. From Surendranath Banerjea’s 1878 speech on the issue of Indian unity to M.A. Jinnah’s address in 1940 calling for the creation of Pakistan, from Homi Bhabha’s espousal of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy in the 1960s to Rajiv Gandhi’s remarkable address on disarmament in 1988, from Gopal Krishna Gokhale’s first budget speech in the imperial legislative council in 1902 to Manmohan Singh’s equally epoch-making one in 1992, great speeches have shaped the development of India as we know it today.

The Penguin Book of Modern Indian Speeches brings together over a hundred and fifty of the most influential and important speeches in our history, including Dadabhai Naoroji’s maiden address to the House of Commons in 1892, Bhagat Singh’s soul-stirring statement in court during his trial in 1930, Veer Savarkar’s presidential address of the Hindu Mahasabha in 1937 articulating ‘there are two nations…the Hindus and the Moslems, in India’, and Jawaharlal Nehru’s classic, ‘Tryst with Destiny’. There are also others on an eclectic range of subjects - politics, economics, science, social and religious reform-by some of the best minds of India: C.V. Raman and Jagadish Bose, Sir Syed Ahmad and Pherozeshah Mehta, Rabindranath Tagore and Mahatma Gandhi, P.C. Mahalanobis and Amartya Sen, among others.

Thematically arranged and skillfully introduced and contextualized, each speech proves the enduring potential of human oratory to motivate and enrich. The result is a definitive and inspirational chronicle of a nation in the making.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS XIII
1CONCEIVING A NATION 1
Surendranath Banerjea Rammohun Roy: The Father of Modern India 5
Syed Ahmad Khan Hindu and Mussalman 12
Surendranath Banerjea Indian Unity 14
Mahadev Govind Ranade The Evolution of a New India 22
Bal Gangadhar Tilak Empires: Old and new 30
2CRITIQUE OF COLONIALISM 33
Dadabhai Naoroji Maiden Speech in the House of Commons 35
Dadabhai Naoroji Poverty of India 38
Romesh Chandra Dutt The Economic Condition of India 43
Dinshaw Eduljee Wacha Congress Resolution on Military Expenditure 55
Pherozeshah Merwanji Mehta The Budget Speech, 1895-96 63
Pherozeshah Merwanji Mehta The Ilbert Bill Controversy 66
Surendranath Banerjea The Vernacular Press Act 75
Badruddin Tyabji Presidential Address, 1887 78
Gopal Krishna Gokhale Excessive Surpluses ‘A Double Wrong’: The First Budget Speech in the Imperial Legislative Council 82
3THE IDEA OF SOCIAL REFORM 96
Kashinath Trimbak Telang Must Social Reform Precede Political Reform in India? 98
N.G. Chandavarkar An Address on Social Reform 112
Mahadev Govind Ranade Reform or Revivalism? 119
Har Bilas Sarda Introducing the Child Marriage Restraint Bill 126
4NATIONALISM ON THE MARCH 132
Swami Vivekananda Assertion of Universality 135
Ananda Mohan Bose Assertion of Universality 138
Bal Gangadhar Tilak Tenets of the New Party 140
Lala Lajpat Rai Swadeshi 145
Bipin Chandra Pal The New Movement 149
Annie Besant The Home Rule Resolution 170
Muhammad Ali Jimnnah Protest against Internment 172
5 THE DREAMERS 175
Prafulla Chandra Ray Dawn of Science in Modern India 176
Jagadish Chandra Bose The Unity of Life 189
Bidhan Chandra Ray The Future of the Medical Profession in India 197
Meghnad Saha The Present World-One Economic and Cultural Unit 201
C.V. Raman The Raman Effect 206
6TOWARDS FREEDOM 216
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi The Banaras Hindu University Speech 223
Mohammad Ali Justice to Islam and Turkey 226
Chittaranjan Das The Resolution on Non-cooperation 232
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi Address to Congress Workers, Bardoli 234
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi Statement at Trial Court, 1922 234
Kazi Nazrul Islam Deposition of a Political Prisoner 236
Manabendra Nath Roy Leftism in Congress 241
S. Satyamurti Adjournment Motion re the Seizure of Subrahmanya Bharathi’s Songs 250
Bhagat Singh Statement before the Lahore High Court Bench 258
Jawaharlal Nehru ‘Purna Swaraj’, Presidential Address, Lahore Session, 1929262
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi On the Eve of the Dandi March 267
Jawaharlal Nehru Karachi Resolution, 1930 270
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi I Give You a Mantra 271
Subhas Chandra Bose Message to Gandhi 274
J.B. Kripalani Partition of the Country 277
7DEMANDS OF REPRESENTATION 281
O. Tanikachala Chettiyar and Others Proportion of Non-Brahmins in the Public Services 283
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar The Depressed Classes 292
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar Presidential Address, Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha, 1937 300
Muhammad Ali Jinnah Presidential Address, All India Muslim League, Lahore Session, March 1940 311
8THE BIRTH OF A NATION 325
Jawaharlal Nehru Tryst with Destiny 327
Sarojini Naidu The Battle for Freedom Is Over 329
J.B. Kripalani The End of Centuries-old Slavery 331
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad To the Muslims in Delhi 333
B.T. Ranadive Opening Report on the Draft Political Thesis 338
Lakshmi N. Menon Republic Day Broadcast to the People of Goa 340
9THE ASSASSINATION OF MAHATMA GANDHI 343
Vallabhbhai Patel Do Not Lose Heart 344
Jawaharlal Nehru The Light Has Gone Out 346
Sripad Amrit Dange Mahatma Gandhi’s Death348
Swami Ranganathananda The Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi352
10THE CONSTITUION: EMBODIMENT OF THE NATIONAL SPIRIT 357
Vallabhbhai Patel Speech at the First Meeting of the Advisory Committee on Fundamental Rights364
Jawaharlal Nehru The Objectives Resolution365
J.J.M. Nichols Roy On the Objectives Resolution374
Jawaharlal Nehru Objectives of the Constitution378
Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan The Flag of Dharma 386
Vallabhbhai Patel Cultural and Educational Rights388
N. Gopalaswamy Ayyangar The Official Language389
Syama Prasad Mookerjee On the National Language393
Jaipal Singh In Defence of the Adivasi Language397
V.I. Muniswamy Pillay The New Constitution400
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar On the Draft Constitution404
Rajendra Prasad Let Posterity Judge415
11THE SPIRIT OF FREEDOM: QUEST FOR A JUST AND MORAL SOCIETY 433
N.G. Chandavarkar The Children of Light436
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi Swaraj444
M. Singaravelu Fearlessly Expose the Sham of Casteism and Oppression 446
Rabindranath Tagore Crisis in Civilisation453
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi The Last Fast460
Jaipal Singh Damodar Valley Corporation and Tribal Displacement463
R.R. Diwakar Caste Should Go467
Renuka Ray Rescue and Rehabilitation of Women468
Tajamul Hosain Nizamat Should Go472
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar The Hindu Code Bill475
Hansa Mehta Suggestions for the Hindu Code Bill481
Jaipal Singh On the Report of the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes 485
N.C. Chatterjee The Special Marriage Bill489
N. Rachiah The Untouchability (Offences) Bill495
Jawaharlal Nehru A Socialistic Pattern of Society 499
Prithviraj Kapoor Capital Punishment Should Go 504
Pandurang Vaman Kane Time Has Not Come 506
Ram Manohar Lohia Daily Earnings of an Indian 508
Indira Gandhi To Martin Luther King 515
Jayaprakash Narayan Revolution on the Agenda 517
Indira Gandhi For a Just and Moral International Order 520
Baba Amte My Colleagues in Conscience 528
12ECONOMY AND DEVELOPMENT 531
G. Subramanian Iyer Industrialization of the Country 534
Purusottamdas Thakurdas Presidential Address, FICCI, 1928 547
Nalini Ranjan Sarkar Indian Economy 552
Subhas Chandra Bose National Planning 573
Prasanta Chandra Mahalanobis Studies Related to Planning for National Development 575
Jawaharlal Nehru The Second Five Year Plan 582
Jawaharlal Nehru Temples of the New Age 587
Homi Jehangir Bhabha Development of Atomic Energy in India 590
Indira Gandhi Nationalization of Private Commercial Banks 595
Manmohan Singh General Budget Speech, 1992-93 598
Nani Palkhivala On the General Budget of 1992-93 599
Somnath Chatterjee Surrendering Self-reliance 603
Amartya Sen Development as Freedom 611
13THE CHINESE AGGRESSION 622
Jawaharlal Nehru Massive Aggression on Our Frontiers 625
Hari Vishnu Kamath The 1962 War: A Critical Evaluation 629
J.B. Kripalani Motion Regarding the White Paper on Indo-Chinese Relations 631
Bhupesh Gupta Communist Support to the War Effort 639
P.N. Sapru Defence of India Bill, 1962 643
14STATE OF THE NATION-I 647
Vallabhbhai Patel The Mantle Will Now Fall on Young Shoulders 650
N. Gopalaswamy Ayyangar Situation in Kashmir 653
Sheikh Abdullah The Real Issue 655
Vallabhbhai Patel Defence of India Rules, 1950 663
Syama Prasad Mookerjee On Jammu and Kashmir 665
Jawaharlal Nehru Resolution on Linguistic Provinces 675
O.V. Alagesan On Linguistic States 687
Jawaharlal Nehru The Naga Issue 691
C. N. Annadurai Dravida Nadu 693
Jayaprakash Narayan The Nagaland Peace Mission 695
Kapur Singh Punjabi Suba 698
Nath Pai Governors of States 704
Kanu Sanyal Declaration of the Formation of CPI(M-L) 708
Indira Gandhi Inauguration of New States 715
15Syed Ahmad Khan Foundation of the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College 718
Pherozeshah Merwanji Mehta Speech at the Seventh Annual Meeting of the Bombay Graduates’ Association 720
Gopal Krishna Gokhale Free and Compulsory Primary Education 735
Rabindranath Tagore The Education Mission of Visva-Bharati 738
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi The Wardha Scheme 743
Sripad Amrit Dange On the Poona University Bill 747
Meghnad Saha Reforms in Higher Education 753
M.C. Chagla Structure of Education 755
Bhupesh Gupta On the Jawaharlal Nehru University Bill 760
R.K. Narayan Burden on Childhood 764
16 LABOUR 766
Joseph Baptista Address at the First All-India Trade Union Congress 767
Lala Lajpat Rai Presidential Address, AITUC, 1920 769
Parvathi Krishnan Industrial Disputes (Amendment and Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill, 1956 773
Sripad Amrit Dange Second Pay Commission, 1957 781
17STATE OF THE NATION-II 786
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan I Have Come to Serve You 790
Jayaprakash Narayan Time for Struggle, Note for Studies 791
N.G. Goray Opposing the Emergency 795
Uma Shankar Joshi In Opposition to the Emergency 800
Indira Gandhi In Defence of Democracy 803
G.G. Swell Communal Violence in Gujarat 813
P.V. Narasimha Rao Countering Communal Forces 815
Sonia Gandhi Follow My Own Inner Voice 817
18INDIA AND THE WORLD 819
Jawaharlal Nehru India’s Foreign Policy 821
Jawaharlal Nehru Membership of the Commonwealth 824
Jawaharlal Nehru Asia Finds Herself Again 826
Chakravarthy Rajagopalachari On the Korean Situation 832
V.K. Krishna Menon India and the United Nations Agenda 842
V.K. Krishna Menon On Kashmir 847
Homi Jehangir Bhabha Presidential Address, First International Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy 866
V.K. Krishna Menon On South Africa 870
M.C. Chagla India and West Asia 877
Brajesh Mishra Statement on Pokaran, 1974 878
Indira Gandhi Support to the Palestinian Cause 880
Rajiv Gandhi On Disarmament 882
P.V. Narasimha Rao Challenge and Opportunity in the Post-Cold War Era: An India Perspective on the Emerging Structure of Interstate Relations 885
Atal Bihari Vajpayee The Nuclear Tests at Pokaran 889
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 893
SOURCES AND COPYRIGHT ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 902
INDEX 913

The Penguin Book of Modern Indian Speeches (1877 to the Present)

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Introduction

When this volume was conceived, I thought it would be a simple job of compiling a few famous speeches, something many other editors have done in the past. But once I began reading material for it, several new dimensions which had not struck me earlier began to emerge. Like every historian, the first question I faced was that of historicity. A historian’s hindsight, intuition and his location in a historical context are what normally help him read facts and decide on their historicity or otherwise. How does one relate a particular speech to the history of the time and then call it historic? How does one confer on a speech, or even a fact, a trans-historical status and value, and then bestow on it a representative character? These were the issues which immediately needed to be grappled with before one began the process of selection and collection. For me, therefore, compiling this book was a more difficult task than it might have been for those who are innocent of the-historian’s dilemmas.

Which speech is historic—this is not an innocuous question. It is a question with political, social and cultural perspectives attached to it. Looking back at any specific period, there is always a danger of viewing it from the limited perspective of the brief moment in time that we inhabit. It is crucial not to look at any age in isolation from what led up to it and what came after, and as a result of it. This led me to read the histories of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries——which have shaped a number of contemporary trends and ideas that constitute our world view——with a long-term historical perspective. Equally, since the present too colours the way a past is viewed, I felt it important to allow a careful understanding of our times to enter into a debate with our recent history. The present volume is an outcome of this endeavour. Not all questions will be settled in these pages but they inform everything from the selection to the arrangement and presentation of the speeches.

What emerged from my reading of the history of the last two hundred years of the subcontinent was the fact of a long and continuing struggle the struggle for freedom. Freedom premised at the universal plane may be seen as the leitmotif of human quest, and most of the speeches in this volume verbalized that quest in myriad ways. I was often surprised at the language, emotion and dream articulated especially in the important speeches made in the six or seven decades prior to independence and in the decade immediately after 1947. Leaders like Sir Syed Ahmad and M.G. Ranade most often spoke in the voice of universalism and humanism, something they themselves may not have consciously known. As a historian working in an intellectual milieu where anti-humanism and anti-universalism are often the keys to success in academia, this collection increasingly became an academic challenge for me: that of presenting as valuable and path-breaking ideas and commitments which are considered mere common sense by later generations.

I Colonialism, or rather the intelligentsia’s attempt in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to understand, negotiate with, and fight colonialism, has been the most significant marker of the history of modern India. A serious reading of the intellectual premises and political arguments of men and women like Surendranath Banerjea, Dadabhai Naoroji and Annie Besant shows that, though circumscribed by their age and context, these people were making a radical departure from their moorings and were presenting a very powerful critique of the colonial system. They were not the intellectual or political collaborators of colonialism that many politically prejudiced or historically myopic writings say they are. These early nationalists were trying to evolve the economic, political and moral foundations of a new society.

The speeches and writings of public persons in nineteenth- and twentieth-century India indicate that they had not merely understood the might and exploitative agendas of the colonial power, but also realized the fact that the society from which this power had emerged had undergone an industrial revolution which had far-reaching consequences completely unprecedented in human history. They recognized the role the industrial revolution had played in making England the most modern and developed country at that historical juncture. They were also aware of the social and scientific benefits that could accrue to a backward society like India from an engagement with England. This led them to look towards England to help India transcend its internal morass and help usher in a modern society. For Naoroji and others, British colonial presence in India was providential, at least to begin with, as it provided Indian society—a stagnant one which had missed out on the scientific and industrial revolution in the West—an opportunity to catch up. In fact, they intuited what Karl Marx would write later about the regenerative role of colonialism: that the colonial state in India, through its ideas, institutions and instruments and exploitation, for example, the railways, hastened social and political change. This provided them with a blueprint for a new society for India too—a modern, industrial society. Thus, their speeches were marked less by rhetoric and more by a close and detailed analysis of the facts and processes involved in the rise and maintenance of colonialism. They were also conscious of their own role in such a context. This nuanced and complex understanding of the empire of the day and a perception of the role of intellectuals and political lenders, as glimpsed in the first few speeches in this book, laid the foundations of modern-day Indian sensibilities, whether in politics, or on social questions, or in an understanding of India’s economic location and policies.

It was in their critique of the colonial system that these intellectuals made the greatest contribution. They provided a detailed analysis of the way colonialism worked through its sophisticated and elaborate system of finances, manipulation of currencies and trade policies, establishment of communication linkages for economic and administrative facilitation, integration of executive and judicial powers in local governance, and racial appropriation of the instruments of administration. The early nationalists’ eye for detail and meticulous work thus ‘deconstructed’ the empire, exposing its internal circuitry as it were, and provided the intellectual foundation of Indian nationalism (which Bipan Chandra, one of the finest historians of modern India, has called ‘economic nationalism’ in his book Rise and Growth of Economic Nationalism in India). At the level of public engagement, their attempts to criticize the economic policies of the empire and the colonial state and at the same time develop democratic methods and institutions to fight those policies laid the foundations of India’s democratic polity as well. It is here that their efforts to model institutions after the nineteenth-century British parliamentary system become significant. Their political tracts, economic treatises and speeches at various platforms indicate the evolution of a vision anchored in the core values of a parliamentary democracy which later influenced India’s political and social evolution.

Interestingly, much of contemporary intellectual engagement with India’s modern history, particularly in our metropolitan centers or in the West, is characterized by a downplaying of the career and vision of these early nationalists; they are dismissed as lightweight liberals or condemned as the empire’s collaborators, intellectual or economic or political. Or their vision and discourse is assumed to be a matter of common-sense understanding and therefore not worthy of being studied. This has resulted in making many discussions on modern-day Indian democracy, the state and the economy a-historical, grounded on extremely superficial assumptions or currently fashionable theories in the West. A serious exploration into the foundations of many of the issues facing contemporary India——the success or failure of its democracy, the evolution of its institutions and economy——will indicate that they have their roots not in the hoary past of the Vedas or the ancient republics, but in the intellectual and political engagements of public men and women in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. There is no getting away from this foundational truth.

A historically inclined perspective helps one discern that the national liberation movement was not merely one single movement of political liberation, but, as many would say in their speeches, a beautiful movement unique in human history. It was the gradual unfolding of the movement into multiple streams which made the quest for political freedom against the colonial state meaningful. This also proved the early nationalist assertions—which even Nehru made when he was president of the Congress in 1929—that Indian nationalism was entirely different from its Western counterpart. It was liberating and inclusive rather than exclusivist. It welcomed every class and all streams of political and economic thought, some of which were antagonistic to- its inclusivist nature itself Though articulating such dimensions in public speeches made the speeches substantive, it also tended to make them quite long as the speakers tried to locate the interconnectedness of issues.

The intelligentsia and public men at the turn of the twentieth century had a palpable sense of a movement in India on a vast scale. It is with such sensibilities that Surendranath Banerjea, Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Pherozeshah Mehta were speaking and writing in that era. They were in constant search of a plan of action, a vision for India. Their speeches may sound sedate by the standards of today is political rhetoric or literary fashion, but they were expressing ideas at a time when the common Indian did not have the wherewithal to even speak up, nor could he or she thoroughly comprehend their implications. The spell of colonial rule, as Bipin Chandra Pal would say, was upon us; it was our mai-baap. Pal called it maya or illusion under which Indians lived, Later historians and particularly those who studied the national movement thoroughly used the word hegemony to explain the ideological sway that colonial rule had over Indians. The speeches of Naoroji, Mehta and Gokhale were not simple acts of eloquence; they were political acts of awakening people and impelling them to shrug off the imperial cast. Given the British arguments that India was not and never had been a nation and that it was merely a geographical imagination, an attempt was made quite often in the speeches to imagine and create an India. Thus, there were conscious efforts to argue that even if India was not a nation in the modern sense of the term, it could be constituted as one owing to its historical and economic rationale. It could be moulded into a nation and indeed it was becoming one.

At the same time, the movement was not born of any anti- foreigner or anti-alien sensibility. After all, the notion of videshi or alien has always had manifold implications in a society like India where the primary identity till recently was of one’s caste or village. A journey through the speeches in this book will indicate that rarely did a leader or intellectual try to defend an anti-colonial position on nativistic grounds, i.e., India is for Indians and foreigners should leave. The Indian nationalist leadership never argued that the British should leave India only because they were foreigners. It was rather the notion of justice which constituted the core of their arguments asking the British to leave. British rule, as Naoroji famously described it, was ‘un-British’). Many among India’s intelligentsia of the time had envisioned that British rule in India would usher the principles of liberal democracy as voiced in the British Parliament, the press and in the works of Bentham, Mill and others. However, the gradual realization of the lack of fair play in dealing with India on several fronts, mainly economic, became the reason for an increasing disillusionment, a sense of injustice which would culminate in the demand for the withdrawal of the British from India.

The argument for the British quitting because they were foreigners did also exist, of course, though it always constituted a second line of reasoning. This fundamentally racial argument came to provide the intellectual basis for some internal movements among those Indians who wanted to voice their rejection of the hierarchies within the Indian social system. Many tribal and non Brahmin caste movements used the nativistic and racial arguments to assert that Brahmins and upper castes were outsiders and had been exploiting the indigenous peoples who had been relegated to a low—caste status.

However, it was the economic critique that constituted the core of the argument against colonial presence and it began with the grand old man of India, Dadabhai Naoroji. His drain theory and its understanding of the exploitation of India under colonial rule was the cornerstone of the entire national movement. What Naoroji initiated in the British Parliament in 1892 and repeated at various public platforms was then carried forward by Pherozeshah Mehta, who excelled in tearing apart official claims at various forums-—the legislative assembly, the Bombay Corporation or the university senate. His speeches, full of sarcasm, wit and sheer confidence, set the benchmarks for debate on public issues. Surendranath Banerjea, acknowledged as the first public leader of modern India, was completely devoted to arousing nationalistic sentiments among the people of various regions, and his speeches attracted many future leaders.

II

The colonial critique of the early nationalists also contained an awareness of India’s social malaise and in this they were the inheritors of the different socio-religious movements of the nineteenth century. From Raja Rammohun Roy, whom Surendranath Banerjea referred to as the greatest Indian reformer, to Jyotiba Phule, G.K.Gokha1e and Badruddin Tyabji, everyone was involved in social reform, thus broadening and enlarging the canvas of their engagement. With the heightening of political consciousness, there was a tension brewing between those championing the political question and the others who also demanded social reform. At the end of the nineteenth century, particularly after the formation of the Indian National Congress in 1885, this conflict reached a high. Attempts were made to ensure that the controversy did not cause a rift in the nascent political processes and organization. It did not, for example, take much longer than its third session for the Congress to announce that it was not going to Entertain any demand for social reform of any community unless the demand had an overwhelming support from that community itself interestingly, this decision was taken by people who themselves were the greatest social reformers in their own respective communities, people like Tyabji and Naoroji. At the same time, the apprehensions that the controversy would have divisive effects were proved right when Syed Ahmad Khan, who was involved in modernizing the Muslim upper classes through his Aligarh movement, came to oppose the Congress. The tussle between the reformers who gradually voiced themselves through the Indian Social Reform Conference and the groups which came to critique the primacy of social reform brought the dilemma to the fore. K.T. Telang, a leading intellectual of the period, created a furore when he suggested, as a via media, that political processes should be given precedence over social reforms Diner this involved lesser resistance from society. It was only with the arrival of Mahatma Gandhi on the scene that the political demand Bud the social question came together cohesively on the same platform. Gandhi not only amalgamated the social and political movements but also launched the biggest ever social change movement in the country- the removal of untouchability. His speech at Benares in 1916 announced his arrival on the scene with a canvas much larger than what the leadership of the time had envisaged. It was a direct attack on the norms, language and composition of the leadership of the era. From 1920 onwards, one can see the political movement constantly engaging with the issues of untouchability, Hindu-Muslim unity and the amelioration of the rural poor.

Very soon the question of leadership and representation became the centre of most public speeches. As the British, strategically, decided to lend representative status to different leaders or groups, there were strong clashes for such status among India’s public leaders. There were more than a few who argued that they represented the Hindus or the Muslims or, as B.R. Ambedkar claimed, the depressed Glasses. Gandhi, in his straight and simple manner, claimed that he represented all Hindus and all Muslims and the depressed classes. The language of representation gave the speeches of this period a very strong authoritative character coupled with a narrowness not evident till now. These varying claims of representation, which were heard most clearly during the Second Round Table Conference in 1931, with the British seeking different representatives for different communities—Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, depressed classes, native princes——reached a climax when Veer Savarkar claimed in 1937 that he and his party, the Hindu Mahasabha, represented the Hindus, and M.A. Jinnah in 1940 declared that he was the sole spokesperson of the Muslim nation——a nation which he said had no common bond with the Hindu and therefore had to be given separate status as Pakistan.

Back of the Book

A VIVID, CAPTIVATING HISTORY DF INDIA, IN THE WORDS OF THE MEN AND WDMEN WND SHAPED IT

At their best, speeches highlight the concerns of the times and inspire a a nation to great acts. From Surendranath Banerjea’s 1878 speech on the issue of Indian unity to M.A. Jinnah’s address in 1940 calling for the creation of Pakistan, from Homi Bhabha’s espousal of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy in the 1960s to Rajiv Gandhi’s remarkable address on disarmament in 1988, from Gopal Krishna Gokhale’s first budget speech in the imperial legislative council in 1902 to Manmohan Singh’s equally epoch-making one in 1992, great speeches have shaped the development of India as we know it today.

The Penguin Book of Modern Indian Speeches brings together over a hundred and fifty of the most influential and important speeches in our history, including Dadabhai Naoroji’s maiden address to the House of Commons in 1892, Bhagat Singh’s soul-stirring statement in court during his trial in 1930, Veer Savarkar’s presidential address of the Hindu Mahasabha in 1937 articulating ‘there are two nations…the Hindus and the Moslems, in India’, and Jawaharlal Nehru’s classic, ‘Tryst with Destiny’. There are also others on an eclectic range of subjects - politics, economics, science, social and religious reform-by some of the best minds of India: C.V. Raman and Jagadish Bose, Sir Syed Ahmad and Pherozeshah Mehta, Rabindranath Tagore and Mahatma Gandhi, P.C. Mahalanobis and Amartya Sen, among others.

Thematically arranged and skillfully introduced and contextualized, each speech proves the enduring potential of human oratory to motivate and enrich. The result is a definitive and inspirational chronicle of a nation in the making.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS XIII
1CONCEIVING A NATION 1
Surendranath Banerjea Rammohun Roy: The Father of Modern India 5
Syed Ahmad Khan Hindu and Mussalman 12
Surendranath Banerjea Indian Unity 14
Mahadev Govind Ranade The Evolution of a New India 22
Bal Gangadhar Tilak Empires: Old and new 30
2CRITIQUE OF COLONIALISM 33
Dadabhai Naoroji Maiden Speech in the House of Commons 35
Dadabhai Naoroji Poverty of India 38
Romesh Chandra Dutt The Economic Condition of India 43
Dinshaw Eduljee Wacha Congress Resolution on Military Expenditure 55
Pherozeshah Merwanji Mehta The Budget Speech, 1895-96 63
Pherozeshah Merwanji Mehta The Ilbert Bill Controversy 66
Surendranath Banerjea The Vernacular Press Act 75
Badruddin Tyabji Presidential Address, 1887 78
Gopal Krishna Gokhale Excessive Surpluses ‘A Double Wrong’: The First Budget Speech in the Imperial Legislative Council 82
3THE IDEA OF SOCIAL REFORM 96
Kashinath Trimbak Telang Must Social Reform Precede Political Reform in India? 98
N.G. Chandavarkar An Address on Social Reform 112
Mahadev Govind Ranade Reform or Revivalism? 119
Har Bilas Sarda Introducing the Child Marriage Restraint Bill 126
4NATIONALISM ON THE MARCH 132
Swami Vivekananda Assertion of Universality 135
Ananda Mohan Bose Assertion of Universality 138
Bal Gangadhar Tilak Tenets of the New Party 140
Lala Lajpat Rai Swadeshi 145
Bipin Chandra Pal The New Movement 149
Annie Besant The Home Rule Resolution 170
Muhammad Ali Jimnnah Protest against Internment 172
5 THE DREAMERS 175
Prafulla Chandra Ray Dawn of Science in Modern India 176
Jagadish Chandra Bose The Unity of Life 189
Bidhan Chandra Ray The Future of the Medical Profession in India 197
Meghnad Saha The Present World-One Economic and Cultural Unit 201
C.V. Raman The Raman Effect 206
6TOWARDS FREEDOM 216
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi The Banaras Hindu University Speech 223
Mohammad Ali Justice to Islam and Turkey 226
Chittaranjan Das The Resolution on Non-cooperation 232
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi Address to Congress Workers, Bardoli 234
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi Statement at Trial Court, 1922 234
Kazi Nazrul Islam Deposition of a Political Prisoner 236
Manabendra Nath Roy Leftism in Congress 241
S. Satyamurti Adjournment Motion re the Seizure of Subrahmanya Bharathi’s Songs 250
Bhagat Singh Statement before the Lahore High Court Bench 258
Jawaharlal Nehru ‘Purna Swaraj’, Presidential Address, Lahore Session, 1929262
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi On the Eve of the Dandi March 267
Jawaharlal Nehru Karachi Resolution, 1930 270
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi I Give You a Mantra 271
Subhas Chandra Bose Message to Gandhi 274
J.B. Kripalani Partition of the Country 277
7DEMANDS OF REPRESENTATION 281
O. Tanikachala Chettiyar and Others Proportion of Non-Brahmins in the Public Services 283
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar The Depressed Classes 292
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar Presidential Address, Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha, 1937 300
Muhammad Ali Jinnah Presidential Address, All India Muslim League, Lahore Session, March 1940 311
8THE BIRTH OF A NATION 325
Jawaharlal Nehru Tryst with Destiny 327
Sarojini Naidu The Battle for Freedom Is Over 329
J.B. Kripalani The End of Centuries-old Slavery 331
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad To the Muslims in Delhi 333
B.T. Ranadive Opening Report on the Draft Political Thesis 338
Lakshmi N. Menon Republic Day Broadcast to the People of Goa 340
9THE ASSASSINATION OF MAHATMA GANDHI 343
Vallabhbhai Patel Do Not Lose Heart 344
Jawaharlal Nehru The Light Has Gone Out 346
Sripad Amrit Dange Mahatma Gandhi’s Death348
Swami Ranganathananda The Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi352
10THE CONSTITUION: EMBODIMENT OF THE NATIONAL SPIRIT 357
Vallabhbhai Patel Speech at the First Meeting of the Advisory Committee on Fundamental Rights364
Jawaharlal Nehru The Objectives Resolution365
J.J.M. Nichols Roy On the Objectives Resolution374
Jawaharlal Nehru Objectives of the Constitution378
Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan The Flag of Dharma 386
Vallabhbhai Patel Cultural and Educational Rights388
N. Gopalaswamy Ayyangar The Official Language389
Syama Prasad Mookerjee On the National Language393
Jaipal Singh In Defence of the Adivasi Language397
V.I. Muniswamy Pillay The New Constitution400
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar On the Draft Constitution404
Rajendra Prasad Let Posterity Judge415
11THE SPIRIT OF FREEDOM: QUEST FOR A JUST AND MORAL SOCIETY 433
N.G. Chandavarkar The Children of Light436
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi Swaraj444
M. Singaravelu Fearlessly Expose the Sham of Casteism and Oppression 446
Rabindranath Tagore Crisis in Civilisation453
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi The Last Fast460
Jaipal Singh Damodar Valley Corporation and Tribal Displacement463
R.R. Diwakar Caste Should Go467
Renuka Ray Rescue and Rehabilitation of Women468
Tajamul Hosain Nizamat Should Go472
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar The Hindu Code Bill475
Hansa Mehta Suggestions for the Hindu Code Bill481
Jaipal Singh On the Report of the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes 485
N.C. Chatterjee The Special Marriage Bill489
N. Rachiah The Untouchability (Offences) Bill495
Jawaharlal Nehru A Socialistic Pattern of Society 499
Prithviraj Kapoor Capital Punishment Should Go 504
Pandurang Vaman Kane Time Has Not Come 506
Ram Manohar Lohia Daily Earnings of an Indian 508
Indira Gandhi To Martin Luther King 515
Jayaprakash Narayan Revolution on the Agenda 517
Indira Gandhi For a Just and Moral International Order 520
Baba Amte My Colleagues in Conscience 528
12ECONOMY AND DEVELOPMENT 531
G. Subramanian Iyer Industrialization of the Country 534
Purusottamdas Thakurdas Presidential Address, FICCI, 1928 547
Nalini Ranjan Sarkar Indian Economy 552
Subhas Chandra Bose National Planning 573
Prasanta Chandra Mahalanobis Studies Related to Planning for National Development 575
Jawaharlal Nehru The Second Five Year Plan 582
Jawaharlal Nehru Temples of the New Age 587
Homi Jehangir Bhabha Development of Atomic Energy in India 590
Indira Gandhi Nationalization of Private Commercial Banks 595
Manmohan Singh General Budget Speech, 1992-93 598
Nani Palkhivala On the General Budget of 1992-93 599
Somnath Chatterjee Surrendering Self-reliance 603
Amartya Sen Development as Freedom 611
13THE CHINESE AGGRESSION 622
Jawaharlal Nehru Massive Aggression on Our Frontiers 625
Hari Vishnu Kamath The 1962 War: A Critical Evaluation 629
J.B. Kripalani Motion Regarding the White Paper on Indo-Chinese Relations 631
Bhupesh Gupta Communist Support to the War Effort 639
P.N. Sapru Defence of India Bill, 1962 643
14STATE OF THE NATION-I 647
Vallabhbhai Patel The Mantle Will Now Fall on Young Shoulders 650
N. Gopalaswamy Ayyangar Situation in Kashmir 653
Sheikh Abdullah The Real Issue 655
Vallabhbhai Patel Defence of India Rules, 1950 663
Syama Prasad Mookerjee On Jammu and Kashmir 665
Jawaharlal Nehru Resolution on Linguistic Provinces 675
O.V. Alagesan On Linguistic States 687
Jawaharlal Nehru The Naga Issue 691
C. N. Annadurai Dravida Nadu 693
Jayaprakash Narayan The Nagaland Peace Mission 695
Kapur Singh Punjabi Suba 698
Nath Pai Governors of States 704
Kanu Sanyal Declaration of the Formation of CPI(M-L) 708
Indira Gandhi Inauguration of New States 715
15Syed Ahmad Khan Foundation of the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College 718
Pherozeshah Merwanji Mehta Speech at the Seventh Annual Meeting of the Bombay Graduates’ Association 720
Gopal Krishna Gokhale Free and Compulsory Primary Education 735
Rabindranath Tagore The Education Mission of Visva-Bharati 738
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi The Wardha Scheme 743
Sripad Amrit Dange On the Poona University Bill 747
Meghnad Saha Reforms in Higher Education 753
M.C. Chagla Structure of Education 755
Bhupesh Gupta On the Jawaharlal Nehru University Bill 760
R.K. Narayan Burden on Childhood 764
16 LABOUR 766
Joseph Baptista Address at the First All-India Trade Union Congress 767
Lala Lajpat Rai Presidential Address, AITUC, 1920 769
Parvathi Krishnan Industrial Disputes (Amendment and Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill, 1956 773
Sripad Amrit Dange Second Pay Commission, 1957 781
17STATE OF THE NATION-II 786
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan I Have Come to Serve You 790
Jayaprakash Narayan Time for Struggle, Note for Studies 791
N.G. Goray Opposing the Emergency 795
Uma Shankar Joshi In Opposition to the Emergency 800
Indira Gandhi In Defence of Democracy 803
G.G. Swell Communal Violence in Gujarat 813
P.V. Narasimha Rao Countering Communal Forces 815
Sonia Gandhi Follow My Own Inner Voice 817
18INDIA AND THE WORLD 819
Jawaharlal Nehru India’s Foreign Policy 821
Jawaharlal Nehru Membership of the Commonwealth 824
Jawaharlal Nehru Asia Finds Herself Again 826
Chakravarthy Rajagopalachari On the Korean Situation 832
V.K. Krishna Menon India and the United Nations Agenda 842
V.K. Krishna Menon On Kashmir 847
Homi Jehangir Bhabha Presidential Address, First International Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy 866
V.K. Krishna Menon On South Africa 870
M.C. Chagla India and West Asia 877
Brajesh Mishra Statement on Pokaran, 1974 878
Indira Gandhi Support to the Palestinian Cause 880
Rajiv Gandhi On Disarmament 882
P.V. Narasimha Rao Challenge and Opportunity in the Post-Cold War Era: An India Perspective on the Emerging Structure of Interstate Relations 885
Atal Bihari Vajpayee The Nuclear Tests at Pokaran 889
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 893
SOURCES AND COPYRIGHT ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 902
INDEX 913
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