The subject I have chosen for these lectures is entitled the Evolution of British Policy towards Indian States from 1774 to 1858. I should like to make it clear at the very start that these lectures are not meant to cover the history of the period indicated. My purpose is only to trace the gradual evolution of a definite policy towards Indian States. It is therefore only with an aspect of British Indian history that I am concerned. It is true that the aspect I have chosen is not only an important aspect but one that provides the clue for the interpretation of the general policy of the Company. This may seem to be an extravagant claim, but when it is remembered that the relations with Indian States constituted the foreign policy of the Company, and the establishment of the British Empire in India outside Bengal was the gradual outcome of that policy, the claim will no doubt be granted by all fair-minded critics.
Though the importance of this aspect of Indian history is therefore undeniable, so far it has been neglected both by our historians and by our Universities. Of isolated events and incidents, or in relation to individual States, we have many admirable monographs. Thus with regard to the relation of the Company with Hyderabad, we have Brigg's excellent book, 'The Nizam, his history and relation with the British Government,' and Frazer's 'Nizam, our Faithful Ally. With regard to the Gaekwar again there is an interesting monograph by Colonel Wallace entitled the 'Gaekwar and his realtions with the British Government. Hope's 'House of Scindia, Cunningham's 'History of the Sikhs,' Basu's 'Story of Satara' and numerous other books deal with the relations of the British Government with individual States. The State papers of Gwalior have been arranged by Parasnis and published under the authority of Scindia's Government. The pecuniary transactions of Messrs. Palmer & Co., can be read with interest in the blue book published by the East India Company, and there are numerous parliamentary papers dealing with Oudh, Carnatic, Baroda, Hyderabad and Mysore. The general problem of subsidiary alliance is dealt with by B. S. Jones in a book entitled 'Papers relating to the progress of British power in India and the system of subsidiary alliance.' From the point of view of different Governors-General also there is much material available dealing with their administration. Warren Hastings wrote a long and detailed justification of his policy towards the States. The policy of Wellesley was defended in enthusiastic memoranda by his distinguished brother the Duke of Wellington and in our own days by Sydney Owen. But the best interpretation of his policy is contained in his own despatches and in the Wellesley manuscripts preserved in the British Museum.
Those who are anxious to understand the policy of the Marquis of Hastings may turn with profit to his private jourrials and to his biography. His work in India is also the subject of an elaborate disquisition by Princep entitled 'The Military and Political Transactions in India during the Administration of the Marquis of Hastings. The administration of Dalhousie which came in for much criticism has had its apologists in the Duke of Argylle and in Sir William Lee-Warner, while a different point of view will be found in Sir Edwin Arnold's book 'The Administration of Dalhousie.' The principal actors on the stage of Indian State policy have also left voluminous material. Malcolm has a biography to himself-besides his report on Malwa and his instructions to Political Officers. The lives of Metcalfe and Mount Stuart Elphinstone and the select writings of that statesman and soldier, and of Sir Thomas Munro, are also books well known to the student of Indian History.
Thus there is no dearth of published material for a connected study of British policy towards the States for the period which we have selected. But so far no one has attempted it. Nor do I claim that these lectures provide such a study. In so short a course as 6 lectures it is impossible to attempt anything more than an outline; but I hope that outline would be sufficiently clear and would bring out the essentials of a policy which by the circumstances of Indian historical growth was at all times complicated by numerous side-issues and the widely differing temperaments and character of the Governors-General and of the administrative officers entrusted with the conduct of that policy, but which none the less had a significant unity from the very beginning.
An official definition of an Indian State occurs in a Convention with the French Government (quoted in the 3rd schedule of the Indian Act No. VII of 1871), where it is defined as any State in India which is under the protection or political control of Her Majesty or of which the Government has acknowledged the supremacy of the British Crown.
No such State existed in India in 1774. In 1858 all the States in India except Nepal had come to occupy the position as defined above. What we shall attempt in the following lectures is first, to see how this transformation was brought about, and secondly, what policy was followed towards these States during the period we have chosen. The complicated nature of the problem precludes any simple formula of 'open sesame' to be applied to this system. The transformation of Indian States was partly by force of circumstances and partly by the pressure of irresistible currents of history; and the policy towards them was evolved partly by the official character of the East India Company, partly by the views and ambitions of Governors-General, but mainly by the conviction which developed with Wellesley and continued up to our own time that the Government of the whole of India directly or indirectly by the British is part of a preordained system. These we shall discuss in the main body of my lectures. It is sufficient for me here to indicate the scope of these discourses and the limits which I have placed on myself.
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